for tugging me this direction. It led me to:digitalcollections.trentu.ca/islandora/object/etd%3A349/datastream/PDF/view
The Cities of Gold history informed us that Copper Bells were maid by Cebolan enemies and lead to the death of Esteban.
The 1970s was also a time of growing awareness amongst Southwest
archaeologists that smaller culture regions could not exist in total isolation and that the
implications of interaction between smaller regional systems had to be considered
(Hegmon et al. 2000:2; Neitzel 2000:26). Regional systems are composed of a number of
geographically separated, socially organized communities which interacted with each
other and were unified through various political or non-political systems (Hegmon et al.
2000:2–3; Neitzel 2000:26; Schaafsma and Riley 1999a:237; Struever 1972). Such
models therefore make it possible to examine reasonably large areas, the cultural centres
at the heart of these systems, and compare these systems to what is seen on a larger
interregional spectrum. The Hohokam, Chacoan, and Casas Grandes cultures all
demonstrate evidence of Mesoamerican interaction and came to be seen as regional
systems as is discussed here (Doyle 1991; Hegmon et al. 2000; LeBlanc 1986:107;
Neitzel 2000; B. Nelson 2006; Whalen and Minnis 1999).
The Ancestral Pueblo World
Ancestral Pueblo sites are found throughout the Colorado Plateaus and the Rio
Grande Valley, in New Mexico, Arizona, Utah, and Colorado. From the Pueblo II Period
(ca. A.D. 900) onwards, multi-room settlements with complex masonry structures,
ceremonial structures called kivas, and white-slipped pottery became the markers for the
ephemeral boundaries for this cultural tradition (Cordell and McBrinn 2012:38). Despite
it being the Southwestern culture geographically the furthest from Mesoamerica, the
Ancestral Pueblo, sometimes referred to as Anasazi, was initially regarded by some (Di
Peso 1974) to have been subjected to the most direct Mesoamerican influence outside of
Casas Grandes. As mentioned before, the sites of Chaco Canyon were once regarded as
having been pochteca outposts that served as a gateway for Mesoamerican culture and
political influence to spread in the Southwest, a theory which has since been refuted
(McGuire 1980; B. Nelson 2006).
Nevertheless, Ancestral Pueblo sites reveal a lot of material culture thought to
have come from Mesoamerica, especially in Chaco Canyon. Various luxury goods and
social valuables, many of which would have come from Mesoamerica, were found in
these sites during the cultural florescence of the Chaco regional system ca. A.D. 900-
1150 (Cordell and McBrinn 2012:188). These objects include turquoise and marine shell
artifacts, macaw feathers, Mesoamerican-style ceramics, and of course copper bells, but
also colonnades and road systems as well (Mathien 2001; McGuire 1980; McKusick
2001; B. Nelson 2006). While the ceramics, colonnades, and road systems have since
been attributed to local cultural development rather than the importation of ideas (B.
Nelson 2006), macaws, copper bells, and marine shells quite clearly came from Mexico.
After the collapse of the Chaco system in the mid-12th century A.D., Ancestral
Pueblo populations migrated out of the San Juan Basin, but continued to grow and
aggregate in other centres in Colorado and Arizona (Cordell and McBrinn 2012:74). The
fusion of Ancestral Pueblo and Mogollon cultural traits documented at Pueblos in the
Kayenta region of Arizona are thought to have been at least in part an adaptation to the
various waves of ideology and religious movements which had made their way north
from Mesoamerica (Adams and Lamotta 2006; McGuire 2011). Similarly, the Ancestral
Pueblos are thought to have invoked imagery related to the Mesoamerican Flower World
on some of their pottery (Hays-Gilpin and Hill 1999).
The presence of Mesoamerican material culture in the Ancestral Pueblo world
post-Chaco is perhaps not as well documented. While the spread of intangibles such as
ideology or religious concepts may be more difficult to observe compared to the presence
of tangibles like copper bells or marine shells, it does demonstrate that interaction
between the Ancestral Pueblo and Mesoamerica was still occurring, if less intensive. For
the purpose of this thesis, it should be noted that copper bell quantities in the Ancestral
Pueblo world dropped almost 35% after the collapse of Chaco. The presence of copper
bells in this cultural region will be discussed in greater detail in Chapter 4.
The Hohokam Regional System
The extent of the Hohokam regional system in Arizona and Northern Mexico is
demonstrated by the presence of either red-on-buff ceramic vessels, platform mounds,
canal irrigation, or ballcourts which, as mentioned before, were likely influenced by
similar Mesoamerican structures to the south (Cordell and McBrinn 2012:205; Crown
1991; Doyle 1991; LeBlanc 1986:118; Neitzel 2000:29). It is assumed that ballcourts
bore both ceremonial and sociopolitical significance, and their presence indicated the
extent of a ceremonial tradition, while the presence of red-on-buff ceramics indicate the
site’s participation in an economic system. (Crown 1991; Neitzel 2000:30). Some
archaeologists have argued that sites in the Phoenix and Tucson Basins acted as cores
which interacted with outlier sites elsewhere (Doyle 1991; Plog 2008; Vargas 1995), but
this too has been debated (McGuire et al. 1994).
Due to the presence of blatantly Mesoamerican-inspired architecture, such as
ballcourts and platform mounds, artifacts like shell and pyrite mirrors, and the earliest
evidence for maize agriculture in the Southwest, the Hohokam area is regarded by many
to demonstrate the strongest connection to Mesoamerica (McGuire and Villalpando C.
2007:59; Meighan 1999). This could be based on the close proximity between the two
regions, and the fact that the west coastal plain along the Sierra Madre in Mexico would
have facilitated the easiest movement of populations and goods northward (Meighan
1999:207–208).During the Classic Hohokam Period
(ca. A.D. 1150-A.D. 1450), Hohokam
society became more hierarchically organized, as indicated by the construction of
platform mounds, while the quantity of Mesoamerican artifacts grew in quantity
throughout the area. Richard Nelson (1986) suggests a change in the use of
Mesoamerican artifacts based on the artifacts being found in more accessible contexts
during this period than before, where they were often found in burials. Vargas (1995,
2001), as mentioned before, states that the copper bells which once flowed through the
Hohokam region were now being hoarded at sites to the South around Casas Grandes.
Quite clearly, the interaction system between these areas could vary temporally, and both
on a small and large geographic scale (Crown 1991; McGuire et al. 1994).The Casas Grandes Regional System